The Great Deceivers


FDR and the "infamy" behind Pearl Harbor

The date was December 8, 1941. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, helped to the podium by his son, was about to address the members of Congress. As the wild applause subsided, he began:

Yesterday, December 7,1941 — a date which will live in infamy — the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of Japan. The United States was at peace with that nation ... and looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific ... the Japanese government deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements ... Japan has undertaken a surprise offensive ... we will make certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us. I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan, a state of war has existed between the United States and Japan.

Four days later, Hitler's Germany, Japans' Axis partner, declared war on the U.S. Once again our nation had been provoked into a World War, this time on two fronts. According to the traditional view believed by most Americans for the past 55 years, this is the manner in which the U.S., a neutral nation, was forced to enter the European/Asiatic holocaust of World War II.

The above scenario can best be described as pure myth. Over the years, pieces of the truth have emerged from firsthand sources such as diaries, diplomatic messages, personal papers, official memos, autobiographies, and various other accounts forming an appalling picture of deception — not of the U.S. government, but by the U.S. government. A few of the glaring inconsistencies are summarized by Professor Robert Smith Thompson in his 1991 revisionist history, A Time for War:

In the historical library at York University [England], the diary of Lord Halifax, British Ambassador to America in 1941, shows that on May 2, 1941, Halifax lunched with Roosevelt and that FDR expressed the hope that U.S. patrols in the Atlantic would provoke Germany into war. The British Public Record Office in London has evidence that in both July and August, 1941, Roosevelt told the British that he intended to provoke a war.... William Donovan, Roosevelt's coordinator of information, received warning from the British that the Japanese were about to attack Pearl Harbor.

In order to fit these small bombshells into the overall historical record as now revealed, we begin our story on August 24, 1939, when Hitler's Nazi Germany and Stalin's Soviet Union signed a ten-year treaty of nonaggression. A week later, on September 1st, Germany invaded Poland. Two days later, Britain and France declared war on Germany. At a press conference, a reporter asked Roosevelt, "Can we stay out?" Roosevelt answered, "I sincerely believe we can, and every effort will be made by this Administration to do so." Roosevelt quickly took to national radio to assure the public of his peace-loving intentions: "Let no man or woman thoughtlessly or falsely talk of sending armies to European fields.... This nation will remain a neutral nation.... I want you to know that your government has no information which it has any thought of withholding from you.... You are, I believe, the most enlightened and best-in-formed people in all the world."

But, as Charles Callan Tansill documents in his Back Door to War, far from not withholding information from the "best-informed" people, Roosevelt had already, before the first shot was fired, instructed William Bullitt, ambassador to France, to advise the French government that "if ... France and England immediately declared war on Germany (in the event of a Nazi attack on Poland) they could expect `all aid' from the United States."

On September 11th, only a few days after the invasion of Poland, Roosevelt sent the following secret personal note to Winston Churchill (then First Lord of the Admiralty in Neville Chamberlain's government) indicating his desire to become clandestinely involved: "What I want you and the Prime Minister to know is that I shall at all times welcome it if you will keep in touch with me personally with anything you want me to know about. You can always send sealed letters through your pouch or my pouch." This was the first of hundreds of secret messages exchanged between these two top schemers by means of which they connived to bring the U.S. into the war.

Directly after the invasion of Poland, a top-level State Department meeting took place in strictest secrecy. As recounted by Professor Thompson in A Time for War, Hamilton Fish Armstrong, editor of Foreign Affairs, the flagship publication of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), presented a proposal. Financed by the biggest New York banks and the Rockefeller Foundation, the Council, although unknown to the public, represented the nation's powerful Insider foreign policy establishment. Armstrong's proposal created the secretive CFR/State Department War and Peace Studies Project, which began — in 1939! — to lay the groundwork for the drive for a "new world order."

Roosevelt had good reason to put on a public face of peace, for national polls were running 95 percent against intervention. Stepping forward to lead this surge of anti-war sentiment was the nation's most highly respected and beloved hero, Colonel Charles Lindbergh. Little did Lindbergh dream, when he began a series of radio addresses in September 1939, that his effectiveness would so infuriate Roosevelt that he would become a prime victim of Roosevelt's most vicious and damaging assaults, continuing unabated until the time of Roosevelt's death in 1945.

On September 2lst, Roosevelt took his first overt step toward war when he asked Congress to repeal all neutrality legislation, which had been passed following WWI precisely to prevent a repetition of the senseless embroilment in European balance-of-power conflicts. Roosevelt's beguiling public argument was that only by making the U.S. the "Arsenal of Democracy" could he make good on his promise to keep America out of war. Roosevelt didn't get all he asked for from Congress, but he got enough to permit Britain and France to purchase guns, planes, and tanks to be transported in their own ships. Senator Arthur Vandenberg of Michigan, leading the Republican opposition, argued that we couldn't become "an arsenal for one belligerent without becoming a target for the other." Grotesquely, this was exactly Roosevelt's hope, for he had early made up his mind to cause an "incident" that could provide an excuse for declaring war, as we shall see.

Following the repeal of the arms embargo, the pro-war forces, representative of the Insider Council on Foreign Relations, immediately swung into action, turning "isolationist" into a dirty word. David Brinkley, a leading radio commentator later to become a CFR member and already in the loop, described those opposed to war as "beer hall fascists," "secret admirers of Hitler," and "communists" who supported Hitler on orders from Moscow." When Lindbergh pointed out that the U.S. was in no danger and should simply beef up its defenses, he was ridiculed by powerful journalist Walter Lippman, a CFR member almost from its inception in 1920. Lindbergh's mother-in-law, wife of Wall Streeter and CFR Insider Dwight Morrow, repudiated his speech in public. The fateful step of repealing the arms embargo was taken on November 2,1939 by congressional Democrats currying favor with FDR. The U.S. as a supplier of weapons had taken the first step toward becoming a participant in the war.

By the first week in October, Stalin the partition of Poland, now overrun by German and Soviet troops. Stalin eventually took into captivity 1.5 million Poles; of these, 15,000 Polish army officers were massacred and thrown into a mass grave in the Katyn Forest, an atrocity which Churchill and Roosevelt brazenly blamed on Hitler, although they knew the truth.

This is not to say that Hitler was incapable of such an act. As a murderous totalitarian, he had no compunctions about aggression and mass murder. Furthermore, his regime had been cultivated by the same CFR-aligned financial and diplomatic elite that later mounted the crusade against Hitler and his Axis powers — a crusade in which our "ally" was to be the even bloodier and more aggressive regime of Soviet tyrant Josef Stalin.

That first fall, when Britain and France had not yet made a military move, Hitler proposed a peace parley. It was reasonable to believe, as many writers later pointed out, that Hitler had no desire or plan for aggression in the West. If his proposal had been accepted, Poland would have been lost, as it had been partitioned and lost so many times in the past, but countless British, French, and American lives might possibly have been saved. Many men of wisdom in England and the U.S. thought there were other ways of handling Hitler than a worldwide bloodbath. But Churchill, like Roosevelt, was intent on war.

Foremost among those opposing Churchill's war policy was Britain's famed prime minister of the previous war, Lloyd George. His stirring speeches in the House of Commons asking that any peace proposals be carefully considered received a huge response; thousands upon thousands of letters from all parts of the commonwealth begged for peace. Several times Lloyd George suggested that Roosevelt would be the ideal person to call a peace parley. But there was no response from the American President. The kings of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, and the president of Finland issued a joint statement affirming their neutrality and offered to mediate at a peace conference But Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, who a year previously had acquiesced to Hitler's annexation of the German Sudetenland to prevent an invasion of all of Czechoslovakia, now switched to a pro-war stance and rejected Hitler's proposal.

Oddly, Chamberlain's decision flew in the face of the advice of his own adviser to the War Ministry, Britain's most respected military analyst, Sir Liddell Hart. Like other influential leaders on both sides of the Atlantic, Hart pointed out that Hitler's logical route of expansion was to the east, against her natural enemy, Russia. He noted that at the worst, a negotiated peace would allow time for strengthening Britain's military. England, he said, should let Germany and Russia fight it out to the point of exhaustion and bring about the downfall of both dictators. But the chance for a possible peace was lost.

In spite of his peace posture, Roosevelt now began to denounce as pro-Nazi and pro-fascist all senators, congressmen, and leading citizens who spoke out against involvement. He was especially enraged by military men who had the courage to oppose him, such as General Charles Summerall, former Chief of Staff, whose constitutional position is so desperately needed today. Summerall put it in a nutshell: "Not one cent, not one soldier. Let the American people resolve never again to engage in wars not made upon them. We cannot settle Europe's quarrels nor maintain the balance of power there."

By the beginning of 1940, Roosevelt was getting impatient with the duplicitous route. He knew that, with practically the entire country against him, nothing short of a cataclysmic event could change public opinion. He also knew that this was exactly what President Woodrow Wilson and Churchill engineered in 1915. He called for the documents that Wilson had ordered concealed in the archives of the Treasury Department. Here was proof, in the bill of lading, that the British liner Lusitania, far from carrying civilian goods from the U.S. as claimed, had actually carried tons of contraband armaments, a fact known to the Germans but concealed from the ship's passengers. As the Lusitania entered the Irish Sea where U-boats congregated, it was intentionally directed into the U-boat area. The expected torpedo hit and a mammoth explosion resulted in the loss of hundreds of lives. Roosevelt studied how all this had been secretly arranged and sold to the public as a monstrous crime, creating public abhorrence of Germany and acceptance of U.S. entry into World War I.

But Roosevelt would have to manipulate many events before he got his "incident." Meanwhile, by far his most effective propagandist was Henry Luce (CFR), publisher of Time, Life, and Fortune. Luce had originally called for the U.S. to stay out, but quickly became a rabid promoter of war, directing his executives to bombard readers with harrowing tales of "civilization in danger" and forbidding the printing of anything favorable about anyone dedicated to keeping the U.S out of war. Other highly placed figures were also busily working Roosevelt's will. Most powerful among them was Henry L. Stimson (CFR), former Secretary of State and a behind-the-scenes anti-Japan activist. The New York Times gave front-page headlines to Stimson's sudden call for an immediate embargo on sales to Japan of iron ore, steel, scrap iron, and coal, the very composition of the Japanese war machine against China. Furthermore, Stimson declared, the U.S. could restore "law and order" in Asia only if it were willing to "act." Here was Roosevelt's first step toward a confrontation with Japan. Stimson saw to it that his initiative was kept alive through his leadership of a network demanding intervention in both the Pacific and Europe. In one corner were the private interests acting through the American Committee for Non-Participation in Japanese Aggression and its sister organization, the Committee to Defend America by Aiding the Allies. Their overlapping boards of directors included Reinhold Niebuhr (CFR), left-liberal theologian; Dr. Robert Speer, president of the notoriously pro-communist Federal Council of Churches; William Allen White (CFR), left-wing editor of the Emporia Gazette; Ellsworth Bunker (CFR), later to become expert at giving the coup de grace to non-communist governments and replacing them with communist ones; and Clark Eichelberger (CFR), a one-worlder who ran the League of Nations Association.

In another of Stimson's corners were executive branch officials: Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau (CFR); Assistant Secretary of State Stanley Hornbeck (CFR); Ambassador to Japan Joseph Grew (CFR); and Secretary of War Harry Woodring (CFR). In a third corner were relevant members of Congress, including a number of Polish-Americans with an eye on the Polish vote back home.

In A Time for War, Professor Thompson points out that these three groups represented "a huge and potent political force" with easy access to the major media. Thus it was that a seemingly incongruous but like-minded mix of fellow travelers, left-wing extremists, prominent Wall Streeters, Insider CFR members, and self-interested officials and congressmen banded together in an outrageous conspiracy to thwart the will of unsuspecting Americans and, led by Roosevelt, force the U.S. into war.

Small wonder that Frank Knox, prior to becoming Navy Secretary, wrote as follows: "Collectivists of every sort support Mr. Roosevelt. That is natural. For at the root of his philosophy lies the view, shared alike by Communists and Fascists, that individual liberty under democracy as hitherto practiced in this country is no longer desirable or feasible."

Meanwhile, Charles Lindbergh's radio talks had met with an overwhelmingly favorable response and he was planning another series. Lindbergh's astuteness was evident in his belief that Hitler's alliance with Stalin would prove short-lived. He, too, believed that Germany's logical route of expansion and conquest was to the east; only in that direction could Hitler find the additional resources and territory he sought. Scores of other prominent Americans, including Herbert Hoover, Republican Senators Taft, Byrd, Wheeler, Lodge, Nye, Clark, and Vandenberg, Ambassador to Great Britain Joseph Kennedy, Generals Wood, Summerall, and Johnson, and Captain Eddie Rickenbacker all agreed, reasoning that the two totalitarian tyrants should be left free to destroy each other without U.S. involvement.

Their analysis was proven correct not only when Hitler betrayed Stalin and invaded the Soviet Union in June 1941, but when no less a figure than Churchill's own top war chief, Field Marshall Viscount Alanbrooke, later permitted the following passages from his notes to be quoted by Arthur Bryant in his 1957 book Turn of the Tide:

Hitler's ultimate objective never changed. He sought eastward expansion ... his goal was not the overseas empire and seaborne trade of Britain and France, but the continental spaces, the wheat and oil of Russia, the Ukraine and the Caucasus.... At the outset of the Poland campaign he had therefore ordered his troops in the West to stand strictly in the de- fensive and do nothing that might turn Britain's and France's nominal declaration of war into an active one.

It stands to reason that, with British intelligence the best in the world, Alanbrooke must have known of Hitler's order at the time it was given. Therefore Churchill and Roosevelt must have known of it when Hitler offered his peace proposal in 1939. But by May 1940, the situation had entirely changed. Britain had become an active participant by sending an Expeditionary Force to the Continent, the German blitzkrieg was sweeping through France, the British army was surrounded and retreating to Dunkirk, and France was about to surrender. Leaping to the occasion, the New York Times, the New York Post, the New York Herald Tribune, and PM ran a flood of articles declaring that Hitler would soon conquer the world, and that the U.S. was next on the list and was in mortal danger of invasion. To counter these ridiculous falsehoods Lindbergh went fearlessly on the air and refuted them with common sense: "Let us not be confused by this talk of invasion.... Great armies must still cross oceans by ship.... No foreign navy will dare approach within bombing range of our coasts. Let us stop this hysterical chatter of calamity and invasion. If we desire peace we need only stop asking for war." When over 200,000 letters praising Lindbergh and demanding neutrality arrived in one day at Capitol Hill, Roosevelt ordered the FBI to scan all incoming mail and authorized the Attorney General to bug private phone lines, the first President ever to do so. Although brazenly illegal, he also ordered the FBI to open private mail, especially Lindbergh's. His fury against Lindbergh was so great that, following Pearl Harbor, he ordered that Lindbergh not be allowed to serve in the military. When Curtis Wright, Pan Am, and United Aircraft tried to employ this brilliant specialist in aircraft, Roosevelt forbade it. Finally, Henry Ford defied FDR; Lindbergh worked at Willow Run for no salary and contributed enormously to the design and production of bombers and lighter aircraft.

As the French army fled before the German panzer divisions, French Premier Reynaud cabled urgent appeals for help, urging Roosevelt to declare war to save France. Reynaud, highly agitated, felt that Roosevelt was betraying France after having pledged aid a year previously. But Roosevelt was in a tight spot. Although he had sworn there was "nothing he would not do to help," this was so much chaff when it came to his personal power. He was about to be "drafted" for a third term and knew full well he had to run on a peace ticket. He had to refuse Reynaud. Other opportunities for war could be arranged after the election.

In June 1940, Reynaud signed the armistice with Germany that put France out of the war. With this ally gone, Lloyd George again urged Churchill to consider German peace feelers now advanced through the Vatican and the German Charge d'Affaires in Washington to the British ambassador, Lord Lothian. So enthusiastic was Lothian over the peace terms that he telephoned London begging that the door to peace not be closed. According to Sir Liddell Hart in his History of the History of the Second World War, so sure was Hitler that his peace terms would be acceptable to Britain, he informed his generals that the war was never. Leaves were granted, a part of the Luftwaffe was shifted to other fronts, and 35 divisions were ordered demobilized. Such moves could not possibly have gone unnoticed by British intelligence, but again Churchill turned a deaf ear, cabling Lolhian that on no account was he to make any reply to the German Charge d'Affaires. Meanwhile, Stalin seized Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia with scarcely a peep from either democratic leader.

In the summer of 1940, Nazi General Herman Goering, seeking a quick end to the war by knocking out Britain, ordered the Luftwaffe to bomb England, but on Hitler's order kept London off limits. Dogfights raged over the English Channel and the eastern shore. The Germans had more and better planes, but the British had radar. Suddenly, with no explanation, Churchill ordered the bombing of Berlin; soon thereafter the Luftwaffe retaliated by bombing London. Within one week, 12,000 Londoners died or were wounded, while the entire East End, with its tenements and warehouses, burned down.

We had to wait until long after the war to learn Churchill's motive for the bombing of civilians. Benjamin Colby, after studying the British Official History of the War, flatly stated in his book Twas a Famous Victory: Deceptions and Propaganda in the War With Germany, that Churchill bombed Berlin for the specific purpose of enticing the Germans to attack London. General Charles de Gaulle, in his Memoirs, recalled:

I can still see him at Chequers one August day, raising his fists toward the sky as he cried: "So they won't come!" "Are you in such a hurry," I said to him, "to see your towns smashed to bits?" "You see," he replied, "the bombing of Oxford, Coventry, Canterbury will cause such a wave of indignation in the United States they will come into the war."

The Battle of Britain, while psychologically edging Americans toward accepting war, was still not enough to overcome their deep aversion or doubt that the war was necessary. But Churchill and Roosevelt, never at a loss for inspiration, quickly cooked up a different trap — the destroyer deal. Roosevelt transferred 50 antiquated destroyers to Britain in exchange for 99-year leases of air base sites in Newfoundland, Bermuda, and the West Indies. The puzzling aspect was that there was very little value in either the destroyers or the bases. It was Dean Acheson (CFR) who figured out how to circumvent Congress by making the deal a trade, not a sale. Its hidden purpose was that it was intentionally a gross violation of the Hague Covenant ratified by the U.S. in 1908, and, in short, an act of war. According to all standards of international law, Germany would have been justified in declaring.war on the U.S. It was but the first of a long succession of provocative acts which the two ruthless conspirators hoped would entrap Germany. But Hitler wouldn't bite. He remembered the Lusitania snare all too well.

At this same time, a group of prominent persons calling itself the Century Club began meeting. Members either belonged to the CFR, or became members later, or owed their positions to Insiders. We should never forget who some of these schemers were: Henry Sloane Coffin, president of Union Theological Seminary, hotbed of Marxist agitation; Dr. Henry Van Dusen (CFR), faculty member and activist at this same seminary; James Warburg (CFR), top New York financier of the Warburg banking dynasty; Henry Luce (CFR), publisher; Robert Sherwood, playwright and Roosevelt speech writer; Allen Dulles (CFR), laler director of the CIA; Dean Acheson (CFR), later Secretary of State; and Archibald MacLeish (CFR), poet and war propagandist.

While these prominent persons propagandized publicly for war, Roosevelt, in August 1940, established the Office of Production Management. Carefully chosen captains of industry (some of them. such as Nelson Rockefeller and Edward Stcttinius, CFR members), were brought to Washington. Their job was to see to it that multiple billions in defense contracts went to the "right" people; war profits from this military/industrial complex sucked many into supporting Roosevelt. But such profits were not the reason Roosevelt led us into war. His reason, were on a far more ambitious plane, as we shall see.

After seven years of Roosevelt's fascist New Deal (modeled on Mussolini's fascism as demonstrated in Garet Garrett's The Revolution Was and so called by Herbert Hoover in his Memoirs), the country was still locked in the Depression (caused by Federal Reserve inflation of the money supply) with 11,000,000 unemployed. It could not have been otherwise. The centralized control apparatus that was deepening and prolonging the Depression could not he deconstructed without weakening Roosevelt's hammerlock on political power. His answer to unemployment was billions of tax dollars for factory jobs for weapons of war, and 16,000,000 Americans in uniform for killing and being killed. That month, Congress passed the selective service bill, America's first peace-time draft. Roosevelt was waging war without declaring it.

Getting rid of incumbents, Roosevelt brought in persons more clued in the Insider aims: Henry Stimson (CFR) became Secretary of War; Frank Knox switched sides and became Secretary of the Navy: and Adlai Stevenson (CFR), Robert Lovett (CFR), and John J. McCloy (CFR) joined FDR's Administration as special assistants.

In September 1940, Germany. Italy, and Japan signed the Tripartite Pact. agreeing to assist each other by every means if one was attacked by a power not then involved in the European or Asian wars — that is, the United States. Although this only formalized what was already a reality, Churchill and Roosevelt seized the occasion to whip up war hysteria in the U.S., with Roosevelt warning that "if Great Britain goes down all of us will be living at the point of a gun." Never was the lie about U.S. vulnerability so colossal, for at the same time Churchill was telling the British, as he himself revealed in The Second World War: Their Finest Hour, that Great Britain was safe from invasion, that the German air force was beaten, that the citadel could not be stormed. In a secret memo, he wrote that there was no evidence that the enemy had ever seriously contemplated invasion and predicted that Hitler would now turn his attention east against Russia. He added:

It would be a most hazardous, and even sui- cidal operation to com- mit a large army to the accidents of the sea in the teeth of our numer- ous armed patrolling vessels, of which two or three hundred are always at sea. A surprise cross- ing would be impos- sible; the invaders would be easy prey.

One wonders how the Germans could have invaded the U.S. if they could not even have made it across the English Channel. Sir Liddell Hart confirmed in his History of the Second World War: "It is one of the most extraordinary features of history that Hitler and the German Supreme Command had made no plans or preparations to carry the fight to England." In short, the whole scenario that the U.S. must go to war to save Britain and itself from annihilation was a despicable charade.

Meanwhile, the pesky business of the 1940 presidential election was fast approaching. Republican presidential candidate Wendell Willkie rightly accused Roosevelt of being a warmonger and of having made a secret pro-war alliance with Britain, Canada, and Australia. Roosevelt roared back: "I give to the people of this country this most solemn assurance. There is no secret treaty, no secret obligation, no secret understanding in any shape or form, direct or indirect with any other government."

Roosevelt was prepared to tell any lie in order to appear as the super champion of peace: "I have said this before, but I shall say it again and again and again: Your boys are not going to be sent into any foreign wars!"

Perking on the back burner all this while had been Roosevelt's goading of Japan, an ace in the hole if all else failed. Stimson had planted the seeds; Roosevelt followed through by restricting the sale of iron and sleel manufactures, iron ore, pig iron, and ferrous alloys. Now he slapped an embargo on copper, brass, bronze, zinc, nickel, potash, and numerous manufactured products. Little by little Japan was being squeezed ever tighter. Roosevelt's plan was to box Japan into an intolerable situation by demanding that it pull out of China while simultaneously cutting off its war supplies.

By January 1941, Roosevelt's personal agent, Harry Hopkins, was confiding to Churchill that if America came into the war, the "incident" would be with Japan. Meanwhile, the brilliant cryptologist, William Friedman, had broken the Japanese Purple code with a system christened MAGIC. Thereafter, all Japanese diplomatic messages were known in Washington. Not only was a MAGIC machine never sent to Hawaii, but Roosevelt ordered that none of the intelligence be passed along to the commanders at Pearl Harbor, Admiral Kimmel and General Short.

In June, when Hitler fulfilled expectations and invaded the Soviet Union across a 1,500 mile front, Roosevelt instantly embraced Stalin and pledged unlimited lend-lease aid without bothering to consult Congress. What ultimately became billions of dollars worth of material immediately started flowing to Moscow. In his book From Major Jordan's Diaries, George Racey Jordan recalled that hundreds of suitcases bearing diplomatic immunity were air-lifted to Stalin containing uranium, thorium, cobalt, cadmium, and atom bomb data from our own top-secret Manhattan Project, making it possible for the Soviets to construct an atom bomb much sooner than they otherwise would have been able to — all with our know-how. Americans spent 50 years fearing nuclear annihilation and forking over hundreds of billions of dollars annually for defense. Thus, Americans were duped and swindled by Roosevelt for the benefit of the criminal who had recently carved up Poland with Hitler, who had starved to death 3.5 million peasant farmers to break their resistance to collective farms, who was at that moment exterminating over 15 million in slave labor camps, and who, at the time Roosevelt embraced him, was outdoing the atrocities of Hitler.

On September 24, 1941, a MAGIC decode was put on the President's desk. It was a request from Tokyo to the Japanese consul in Honolulu to report on the exact location of U.S. warships at Pearl Harbor. A few weeks later, following a conference with Roosevelt, Stimson wrote in his diary: "The question was how we should maneuver the Japanese into firing the first shot...." Stimson's question was answered when Roosevelt froze all Japanese assets in the U.S., cutting off Japan's source of oil. This was the last step in the encirclement of Japan.

Next began a remarkable series of warnings, making it forever impossible to believe that Roosevelt did not know of the coming attack on Pearl Harbor. A Korean underground agent, an Army major in the Far East, officials of the Dutch army in Java, and even the German Charge d'Affaires in Washington, all informed the FBI, the State Department, and Army and Navy Intelligence that Japan would simultaneously attack Pearl Harbor, the Philippines, Midway, Guam, and Wake before Christmas.

By late November, MAGIC intercepts showed Tokyo ordering consulates throughout the U.S. to take down portraits of the Emperor and destroy all code machines.

On December 4th, a Korean agent telephoned the State Department that Japan would attack Pearl Harbor that coming weekend. He was forbidden to inform the press on pain of being "put away for the duration."

The Twelfth Naval District in San Francisco located the Japanese Carrier Force (which had disappeared several days earlier) 400 miles. northwest of Oahu, headed south. Admiral Stark, Chief of Naval Operations, did not inform Admiral Kimmel in Honolulu.

Meanwhile, Navy Intelligence had learned that the words "East Wind, Rain" would be the execute signal for an attack. On December 4th, at the Navy's East Coast intercept installation, Chief Warrant Officer Ralph Briggs picked up this message in the early morning hours. What happened to it after that has been the subject of nine investigations, with Briggs ordered not to appear at any of them.

On Saturday night, December 6th, Lieutenant Commander Kramer, Chief of Navy Intelligence Translation, delivered a copy of the intercepted Japanese final ultimatum to Roosevelt, who remarked, "This means war!" Kramer also delivered a copy to Admiral Stark, who again made no effort to phone Admiral Kimmel. General George Marshall, Army Chief of Staff, was nowhere to be found; he dropped out of sight (his subordinates couldn't act without him) until showing up at his office Sunday morning at 11:30. At that moment the Japanese Carrier Force was at the launching point for its torpedo bomber planes. Marshall read the ultimatum, jotted down a few remarks, and sent it to General Short — via Western Union.

On the afternoon of December 7th, as reports of the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor began to come in, shocked senators demanded to know how we could have been so badly caught with our pants down. Roosevelt hung his head and replied, "I just don't know." William Friedman was beside himself as he paced the floor and muttered, "But they knew, they knew!"

The following day, as we have seen, Roosevelt solemnly addressed the nation with his "surprise attack" speech. Shocked and enraged, the public's reaction was overwhelmingly favorable. All divisions of opinion were miraculously swept away. Very few knew how grossly they had been deceived.

Four days later, Germany declared war on the U.S., exactly as Roosevelt had insured. Roosevelt, Stimson, and the rest of the Insider cabal had succeeded in engineering a conspiracy to get us into the European war through the back door. Later Stimson remarked, "We could never have gotten this country into the war without Pearl Harbor."

Seven of the nine investigations that followed were elaborate cover-ups to further deceive the public, protect Roosevelt, Stark, and Marshall, and destroy the careers of Kimmel and Short for "dereliction of duty" (only the Army and Navy probes exonerated them). Roosevelt went to incredible lengths to suppress testimony proving that he had received the "winds" message, even to ordering Kramer incarcerated in the neuro-psychiatric division of Bethesda Naval Hospital. Both military and civilian leaders lied under oath, committed perjury, changed their testimonies, discovered they had lied to their diaries, and forgot events in order to obey threatening orders from on high and save their careers. It was never disclosed during the investigations that the Japanese Purple code had been broken and that top authorities were privy in advance to the intentions of Japan. The toll at Pearl Harbor was 18 ships sunk or seriously damaged, including eight battleships. On the ground, 188 planes were destroyed. Of the 2,403 sailors, soldiers, marines, and civilians killed, nearly one-half died on the Arizona. Today at the site there is a memorial honoring those who died — and Franklin Delano Roosevelt.

Why did Roosevelt do it? It was not to save or protect England or the United States. The danger was phony. It was not even to spend us out of the Depression, although that helped him politically.

The most logical explanation points to the failure of the CFR founders to persuade the U.S. Senate to ratify the Covenant of the League of Nations in 1920. When this first attempt to establish an international "peace" organization with the concealed goal of a one-world government replacing our own Constitution came to naught, the Insiders started laying the groundwork for a second try. They realized that a revulsion against war was a necessary condition for selling the idea. When war broke out in Europe in 1939 they were powerful enough to use it for their own design. Roosevelt, a Wall Street aristocrat in populist clothing, had early let it be known he favored world government and was ready to play the game. The secret War and Peace Studies Project with its CFR personnel was absorbed into Roosevelt's State Department in 1941, subsequently drawing up the framework for the United Nations. In 1945, with Americans psychologically conditioned by the senseless slaughter and destruction, the UN Charter sailed through the Senate as the "world's last, best hope for peace." The Insiders had achieved their objective.





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